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Volume I




by Paul MacLeod



Plotting a Course



Seeking a Successor

The Premier of Translyvania, Gheorge de Basesti, had risen from being an outcast and traitor under the old regime, to become one of the most senior officials of the United States of Austria-Hungary. He had achieved his ambition of equal rights for all Transylvanians after a quarter of a century of struggle. At the age of 84, he knew his time was short, but he had prepared the new generation - potential successors were Alexandru Vaida-Voevod (47) and Iuliu Maniu (46). Emperor Franz Ferdinand had appointed Bishop Miron Cristea of Karansebesch as the faciliator for a commission of reconciliation to heal the bitterness of the years of struggle.

However, the Premier had concerns for the future. On the other side of the border, in Romania, the Crown Prince Carol was a decadent playboy, renowned for his illicit dealings and affairs and hardly the candidate to ensure long-term stability. His socialisation with prostitutes and mistresses, his contravention of royal law, his anti-Semitism and manipulation of politics were all foreboding of trouble. As for the Emperor Franz Ferdinand, his recent bout with influenza had left him weakened. Doctors were doubtful that he would see the age of sixty (he was currently 56) and his "most likely to succeed", the Archduke Karl, had himself been struck by the Great Plague. Without their long-term survival, the Hapsburg Dynasty was short on potential candidates. Without their survival, there was every chance that a new dynasty would be founded and the continued equality of the Transylvanians would be left to chance. De Basesti was not prepared to take that chance.

On 11 January, 1919, the Premier sought an audience with the Emperor on matters of succession. He stated clearly his concerns and suggested that the Emperor groom another potential candidate, in case both he and Karl should die before Karl's son, Otto, reached majority. He insisted that his people would support Otto in the election should he be of age, but doubted his electability if he was still a minor. (At this time, Otto was only six years old.) He shared his preferred candidate with the Emperor, one he believed would guarantee the future for his people, and went his way. He would pass away only a month later, unaware of the outcome of the seed he had planted in the Emperor's mind.

The seed bloomed, however, and on 23 January, the Emperor of Austria-Hungary sought an audience with King Ferdinand of Romania, technically to discuss a border dispute in Bessarabia (Romanian officials had held up a Russian diplomat on his travels). In reality, Franz Ferdinand was there to scout out a potential successor. He considered that perhaps the king's Eton-attending liberal-leaning teenage son, Prince Nicholas, might be groomed as his successor. Another alternative candidate was the King of Aragon, combining the Catholic powers and once again becoming a Holy Roman Empire. Franz Ferdinand was most keen to see his teenage son, Maxmilian (above left), succeed. There was, however, no guarantees. Either way, the Emperor offered King Ferdinand the chance to send his second son to Vienna after he had finished his schooling, ostensibly to receive his officer training in the Imperial Navy.


The Chancellor’s Victory

The result was never in doubt as Germany went to the polls in early 1919. Just as Wilhelm I had his Bismarck, just as Wilhelm II had von Bulow, it now appeared as though Kaiser Wilhelm III had Chancellor Friedrich Ebert. The victory of the Social Democratic Party was absolute.

The first clear indicator out of the polling results was that the German Peoples Party (DVP) was on its last legs. They had gone into the election with 14% of the seats in the Reichstag. When the last vote had been counted, the once great party of Prussian liberalism managed just above 3%. Party leader Gustav Stresemann indicated that it was perhaps inevitable that the DVP merge with the German Democratic Party (DDP), its competitor for the liberal vote. The DDP had scored its best result to date and appeared to be a party on the rise. While the increase in its vote had been marginal at best, a mere 2%, it had achieved this in the midst of a landslide against all other parties other than the incumbent. It had been the only party other than the SDP to increase its total. The shrinking liberal base in Germany made it impossible for the two parties to continue competition. They would unite in 1920. The staunchly conservative German National Party had also suffered in the election, falling from nearly 17% of the vote to just below 8%.

The Catholics in the south had tried a new approach in this election, focusing on the creation of the Bavarian Peoples Party. The illness of Ludwig III meant that, at any time, the King of Aragon could become King of Bavaria. The BVP was preparing for that event, splitting the Catholic vote into two distinct groups (Catholic Germany and Catholic Bavaria). It meant that, whatever the result of the coming succession crisis, the Catholic Church would continue to function as a political force in both areas. It was generally agreed that, if no crisis emerged, the Catholic Peoples Party and the Bavarian Peoples Party would reunite in the coming year. Voters did not, however, appreciate the cynicism and the combined vote of the parties fell from nearly 27% to about 17%.

Chancellor Friedrich Ebert was the undoubted victor. He had gone into the election as leader of the largest bloc in the Reichstag (about one third of the seats). He walked out of the election with nearly three-fifths. Despite rumblings about his leadership in a miniscule section of his backbench, he now had the numbers to initiate large changes to the German state.

Ebert recognised the potential dangers of the Bavarian situation and was concerned that the Bavarians remained more staunchly conservative than any other part of the Empire. He shared plainly with the Kaiser that the long term survival of the Reich might require the distribution of greater powers to the regions so that Bavarians were not continually subject to the increasingly left wing philosophy of the Reichstag. However, he also warned that the same regional powers may be just what some Bavarian nationalists wanted to allow them to pursue a separatist course. The Social Democrats might have won a German election; their main concern now was making sure that the Empire survived until the next one.


Collapse of Authority

The King of Poland was supposed to be celebrating his 65th birthday this year. He did not feel much like celebrating. The push by Austria for a heightened level of economic collaboration, slanted wholly in favour of Austrian business, was threatening the future of the Polish Authority. The USSR had already stopped the transport of products into the Austrian sector and the Germans had placed a veto on the design of the new currency. The only things that were continuing to operate was the transportation and law and order. Everything else had come to a grinding halt as the Authority could only work with the agreement of all its members, and the level of distrust had become paralysing.

On 14 February, 1919, during a particularly stormy meeting, the Russian High Commissioner walked out of discussions. Austria had vetoed a motion to allow Russian troops to put down sporadic violence, arguing that if Russia was not able to contain unrest without using military force, she should perhaps hand over responsibility for her zone to Austria. The situation had been forced by the sudden resignation of Austria's Chancellor von Koerber due to ill health. It had left an uncertain political vacuum in Vienna and much of the political hierarchy were more concerned with the spoils of power that were currently the subject of a fight between the Treasury Minister, Karl Seitz (left), and the Industry Minister, Benito Mussolini.

Russia refused to return to the table without a new agreement. The German government, despite its best efforts, could not get Vienna and St Petersburg to reach a mutually suitable arrangement. The deadlock would drag on for months. Finally, on 26 August, following a violent protest in Kattowitz, the USSR's Chancellor, Viscount Trotsky, announced his country was formally annexing its zone of control. He did so with the complete support of Germany, where Chancellor Ebert copied his actions the following day. In the history of the Polish people, the day was remembered as the Fourth Partition. The Austrian zone folded back into the United States of Austria-Hungary.

Viscount Trotsky stated that the Russian government would not seek to assimilate or restrict expression, and would invite the Polish nobility to join the administrative and bureaucratic arms to ensure a high degree of Polish autonomy. Nonetheless, he argued that the only way in which the poverty and wretchedness of Poland could be rectified was direct control. Tsar Michael distributed a letter to the Polish people, stating that he would work to "repair the past and build the future". He further stated that he wished the Polish people to provide a decade for Russian-German cooperation to rebuild their country before again considering their potential for independence.


Dynastic Union



The Prime Minister of Naichi, Hara Takashi, (right) arrived in Seoul to warm acclaim, cheering crowds and a reception par excellence. His assurances of financial assistance during the recession, when Joseon had boomed while Naichi had suffered, had earned him enormous credibility with the Korean people. In addition, he shared the Christian faith and had repeatedly refused noble rank to "serve the people". Prime Minister of Joseon, Hong Myun-hui, met Takashi at Gyeongmudae House, his official residence. This was the first official visit by a Naichian Prime Minister to Joseon, but the matter to be discussed was of utmost importance to both leaders.

King Michi, the son of Emperor Taisho, was due to be married and, as he would one day succeed his father, the candidate must be suitable to the whole Empire. Myun-hui had been most insistent that the bride must come from Joseon, continuing the interbreeding that had begun with King Yunghuei's wedding to the sister of Taisho. Unfortunately, that marriage had produced only one child, Princess Myeongseong, honoured with the same name as Korea's ancestral martyr queen. As such, she was ineligible, under Japanese succession laws, to assume the throne. Myhun-hui suggested to Takashi that the succession laws could be changed.

The idea of a woman ascending the throne, especially one with a name such as Myeongseong, was an idea that was alien to the people of Joseon, but one that was possible, considering the adoration they feted upon the princess. She could become Queen upon the death of her father, just as Michi would become Emperor upon the death of his. If they were married, despite the age difference, and produced offspring, then the two thrones would be like the English in the 1600's - there would be one heir for both throne. Takashi agreed to return to Kyoto and speak to the Emperor on the behalf of both their realms.

On 1 March, a notice appeared on the Suzakumon and Kenreimon, gates of the Kyoto Gosho, home to the illustrious Tenno Taisho. The Emperor announced the betrothal of "Crown Princess Myeongseong of Joseon, our beloved daughter" to "Michi, King of Naichi, Crown Prince of Japan, son of great righteousness". The two would eventually wed in 1926.


The Great Migration

One of the most interesting social phenomena of the period between 1915 and 1920 was the beginning of an unparalleled expansion of migration by Europeans. Having conquered the world, there were any number of Europeans who were keen to fill it up. Between 1910 and 1920, 30.1 million Europeans left their continent of birth and travelled the globe in search of a new home.

The largest supplier of migratory labour was the German Empire. Driven by a campaign called Ergriefen Sie de Reich (To Claim the Empire) and sponsored by the German government, over twelve million Germans made their homes abroad. Two-thirds of them made their way to Kamerun, where they quickly outnumbered the Bantu, Fulani and Baka. In the main, they were agriculturalists, who began to cultivate cocoa, coffee and bananas, as well as producing large cotton fields with native labour. The rivers provided enormous opportunity for hydroelectric development. Discoveries of bauxite and manganese allowed for the production of large volumes of aluminium and steel, while large limestone quarries provided building materials for the construction of enduring and elegant buildings, particularly banks and railway stations.

About two million Germans headed to South West Africa, where they outnumbered the natives by a ratio of four to one (this figure, of course, was assisted by the Herero Genocide of 1904-5). Primarily, the colony became a pastoral and mining centre, with large cattle ranches broken by townships centred on deposits of tin, lead, zinc, silver and tungsten. However, the most profitable resource was undoubtedly the diamonds and it was the lure of high wages for mining that drew many Germans to make southern Africa their home.

A similar migration was observed among the Poles, whose continued political instability, war and annexation brought great hardship. In all, five million Poles left their homeland, with substantial numbers settling in Canada, Japan, Argentina and the Ottoman Empire. However, unlike the Germans, they did not concentrate themselves and there are few countries on Earth today that do not have a Polish sector in their major cities. Some only made it as far as Denmark and Flanders, but most were scattered. This pattern was repeated by the subjects of the Hapsburg Empire, who, despite political reforms, found they could obtain greater benefits abroad.

France's migrants were not nearly as adventurous. The vast majority simply crossed the Mediterranean to occupy the increasingly French enclaves of Algeria and Morocco, as well as smaller numbers making their way to Tunisia and Tripolitania. These North African enclaves absorbed 1.7 million migrants in the decade and increased political pressure at home to demand more land from the Berbers. About four hundred thousand made their way to Malagasy, where they established large resorts for wealthy Americans to view its bizarre ecological treasures. However, in the long run, they would prove unable to compete with the safaris of the African mainland, where tourists could also hunt the animals.

The largest population increase outside Africa occurred in Canada. In 1910, the provinces had a population of just under 7.2 million; by 1920, they have reached 9.7 million. This substantial increase was driven by a clear Canadian policy to "fill up" the western provinces. Approximately 40% of the intake was from Great Britain and Ireland. In Australia, during the same period, the growing activism of the native indigenous peoples (in response to American progress) and the growing demands of Japan for raw materials pushed modifications to the White Australia Policy. Australia made allowances for northern Europeans, such as the Germans and Finns, to migrate. Its population grew from 4.4 million in 1910 to 6.1 million in 1920.

Outside Europe, the only country to experience a decline in population was Brazil. Its low wages and lack of infrastructure compared to its neighbours led to growing numbers in Uruguay (1.08 million to 1.54 million), Costa Rica (0.36 million to 0.52 million), and particularly Argentina (6.84 million to 9.43 million).


Clark’s Commission

Despite his contributions to the making of a recession, the reputation of the aging former US President James Clark had become somewhat rehabilitated in Europe. During the three years of Republican Administration, the European powers began to develop a longing for the "good ol' days" when the Americans had not seemed so irrational and scary. During his trip to Europe, in the March of 1919, he was somewhat feted as a man of foresight. He was praised for his "vision" in providing the trade rules that began to distribute some of America's enormous wealth into the development of other countries.

The reason for his visit was an invitation to address the Strasbourg Commission. The European press were expecting him to provide a "vision" for them as well. In hindsight, his speech does not appear to be visionary at all; rather, it reads as a rehash of his speeches as President combined with points from the tome on trade by Maynard Keynes (left). However, the presence of the former President was enough to motivate action that would establish a permanent framework for global trade.

Clark proposed the creation of the International Trade Commission, where all trade would be governed by the principles that he first set out in 1913: freedom of association, the right to collective bargaining, no child labour, no forced or compulsory labour, no discrimination, equal pay for equal work, fair pay and hours and guaranteed paid holidays. He further set an agenda that, within five years, all countries should negotiate a 20% multilateral reduction in tariffs, with states free to choose for themselves the areas in which they would cut protection.

He further proposed that, once the International Trade Commission had completed its first round of negotiations, they should bring into effect the International Monetary Commission. All international trade would be conducted in the one global commodity-based currency, just as the Indo-British Empire was already constructing. In fact, Britain's work should be a pilot program that would eventually be expanded to take in every other country. Of course, as the global economic centre, it made sense for both organisations to be based in the City of London.

A draft treaty was drawn up by 7 May for consideration and a final treaty agreed on 28 June, 1919. Virtually every country agreed to sign up for the opportunity to gain greater access to international markets. The three outstanding absentees were the United States, who stated that they regarded the treaty as an infringement on their sovereignty and pressured Mexico and its puppet states in Liberia and Paraguay to follow suit, and the Ottoman Empire, where ongoing debate about the nature of the Caliphate seemed to paralyse consideration of all other matters. The first ITC Conference opened in Geneva on 10 January, 1920.


Two New Countries



President Venustiano Carranza of Mexico had been walking a tightrope, trying to give his people as much of the socialist agenda as they were demanding without frightening the United States Administration. However, there were continuing critics within his own government, who insisted that he was not going far enough or fast enough. The primary offender in this case was the head of his armed forces and Minister of War, General Emilio Zapata (right).

It was now clear, however, that Zapata saw himself as the successor to Carranza. The President was required by the Constitution to step down in 1925. While that was five and a half years away, there was no way that Zapata could be his successor. He would undoubtedly attempt to implement the reforms for which he continued to push in Cabinet and that level of provocation would lead to renewed conflict with the United States. Undoubtedly, that was the reason that Zapata was continuing to push for a massive increase in military spending.

To contain the General's ambition, Carranza arranged for an interview with one of Mexico City's leading daily newspapers and for a question specifically relating to the future of the nation after his departure. He stated, "There are many talented people who would be able to fill my shoes, but none are better qualified than Portes." His reference was to the Governor of Tamaulipas, Emilio Portes Gil. Portes and Zapata had bad blood, with the former having been an advisor to the latter during the Madero presidency - Zapata had, in fact, sacked Portes before the Governor had used his connections to get himself a judgeship and then his current position.

Needless to say, the tension around the Cabinet table increased exponentially until in early April, President Carranza announced, "with great regret", the dismissal of his military chief and offered a substantial reward for his capture, dead or alive. Zapata, who had received information of the plans against him, fled to the city of Tuxtla Gutierrez, where on 10 April, he declared the formation of the United Mayan Republic. Appealing to the Mayan cause won him wide support in Chiapas and on the Yucatan Peninsula and, in a series of coups, Mexican officials were overthrown and removed. The President ordered the mobilisation of the armed forces, but a good number refused to follow orders, fleeing south to seek out sanctuary with their old chief.

On 12 April, a message was passed from Carranza to Acting US President Harding via Cuba. He was concerned that the United Mexican States were about to plunge into a civil war. Harding was, however, hamstrung by the Bolivarian Pact, which clearly provided that any use of American troops on Mexican soil would be regarded as an act of war. In addition, Harding had no Congressional or cabinet support for such a move and he reluctantly declined. However, he did invoke the Monroe Doctrine, stating that any involvement or interference by another country would lead to war. He also suggested that Mexico might like to leave the Bolivarian Pact to provide the United States with the ability to assist.

Carranza had no capacity to fight a direct war against his southern enemy. He instead asked for and received permission to send loyalist soldiers to the US for training in counterinsurgency and subversion tactics. He refused to recognise the new republic and instead began to funnel guns and money to rebels with the assistance of the United States. On the other side, the Europeans surreptitiously began to do the same, feeding resources from British Honduras and recognising Maya as a defacto independent nation. The Bolivarian Pact, which had no authority to interfere in the matter and did not wish to antagonise either side, sat on its hands and watched its moral authority and its support in Mexico bleed away.

The orders of the Imperial Secretary contained a command that the new nation must be secular. It must contribute to the Imperial forces, but could not raise its own army. It must continue to use the currency of India. It could not deny access to British or Indian subjects. The Indian Parliament could overrule its legislation in the case of any inconsistency. Beyond that, the new Jirga (Senate) would be entitled to make whatever law it chose, under the leadership of its new Chief Minister, Amanollah Barakzai. The Senate would have representatives from four states: Sarban, Batan, Ghurghusht and Karlan.

The Dominion of Pashtunistan, in its earliest years, was dominated by the most liberal branch of Hanafite Islam. It was in light of that liberalism that its first law was for free and compulsory elementary education for all people, including women. In the three major cities, Kabul, Qandahar and Peshawar, new secondary schools would be constructed for those who showed promise. All students would be required to learn Pashtun and English.

Another leap forward was the Family Law Act of 1920, which made it illegal to marry children and immediate family members. It forbade the sale of women and limited dowries. It prohibited widows from being used as slave labour by her husband's family. In 1924, an amendment allowed Pashtun women to lift the veil for the first time. The clerics did not, however, go quietly. The powerful Qazi and their clerical courts rebelled, but were crushed by Indian troops. In subsequent reforms, Barakzai would establish that all clerics had to obtain dual degrees in Islamic studies and in law before they could sit in judgment on any citizen. Britain, proud of these reforms, gave much assistance to the Chief Minister during his decade of rule and Pashtunistan became a jewel like the Koh-i-noor, the great diamond that became part of the Crown Jewels of India when it returned to New Delhi in 1926. The flag of the new nation can be seen below. It is notable in that it became the first flag of a British dominion not to carry the Union Jack.



An Heir for Bavaria?

In Germany's general election of 1919, the landslide to the left strongly discouraged the Bavarians. Whilst Social Democrats and Liberals dominated every other part of the Empire, Bavaria had elected a government that was extreme right, nationalist and reactionary.

On 1 May, King Roberto of Aragon arrived in the south and commenced a series of public speeches. He called upon the Bavarian people to consider the option of secession from the German Empire and to hold a referendum on the subject. He argued that Bavaria was Catholic; the rest of the Empire was Protestant. He argued that Bavaria was conservative; the rest of the Empire was socialist. He argued that Bavaria had traditionally belonged with Austria and that she should return to her people. He proclaimed his Hapsburg heritage and his intent to reunify all the realms of the Hapsburg family by seeking the Austrian throne upon the demise of Emperor Franz Ferdinand.

Kaiser Wilhelm could not allow this threat to national unity to go unchallenged. France would undoubtedly assist if required. However, his government was clearly pacifist and would not be inclined to fight a civil war. The rift with Austria and its potential to support Roberto's agenda also made it a factor to consider. He thought about potential allies and came up with a potential solution.

It was not widely known that King Roberto was, through his mother, the heir to the title of the Great Pretender. When the House of Stuart had been deposed in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, all Catholics had been prohibited from succession to the British throne. It was the search for Protestants that had driven the English to look to Hanover for their king; without such an agreement, Roberto would have been King of Great Britain. The Kaiser considered: how would the British feel about the idea of a super empire in the heartland of Europe headed by a person who still believed himself entitled to the throne of Great Britain?

It was thus, in August 1919, that the first British battlecruiser in many years crossed the Kiel Canal into the Baltic Sea. The British, German and Russian navies conducted a series of exercises - together. And, on 18 August, London, Paris, St Petersburg and Berlin announced they would sign a joint security pact for a period of ten years.


Two Countries, Not So New

In May, 1919, two governments on other sides of the world appeared to be falling apart. One symbolised the decline of a government; the other threatened the unity of a state. Both were despite the best efforts of their leadership to hold them together.

Prime Minister Sir Robert Borden of Canada watched as his party members, led by Thomas Crerar, crossed the floor to form the Progressive Labour Party. Crerar had risen to prominence as head of the Manitoba Grain Growers Association and was elected to Parliament as a Conservative Party member in 1917, immediately being appointed Minister of Agriculture. However, he had been impressed by the work of the US Socialist Labor Party in attacking tariffs and adapted a similar stand on behalf of western farmers within the government. When it became clear that the Canadian Government was dragging its feet on signing up to the International Trade Federation, the Minister and his supporters "jumped ship", leaving the Prime Minister with a majority, but only just. Many felt that it spelt the demise of the Government, but Borden would manage to hold on longer than anyone had expected.

Many miles away, in the lands of the Ottoman Empire, the discussion between secularist Turks and the clerical Arabs, sparked by the late Caliph's papers, had turned into an angry debate. Armenia, as a Christian state, had questioned whether it should seek Russian protection, the Jews began to wonder if Isra'il could survive conflict between the Turks and the Arabs. There had been rumblings within the Army. For Sultan Mehmed VI, there was a realisation that the debate could not continue much longer without posing a long term threat to the unity of his Empire. His attempts to delay the debate had been wholly unsuccessful.

On 19 May, with the recent excavation of the city of Ur providing a temporary distraction, he confronted his legislature and announced his intention to surrender the title of Caliph. He provided the argumentative politicians with twelve months to find a replacement and argued that the new Caliph should also take on the titles of Sharif of Mecca and Guardian of the Two Shrines, equally reducing the power of the Hashemite clan, but making clear that there was no question of them choosing not to endorse his plan. After all, it was the will of the Prophet that his people be united and the King of Hejaz would surely not stand against it. His chief criteria was that the Caliph must be supported by both Sunni and Shi'a as the leader of all the faithful. His second criteria was that the person must not be a member of a house that held temporal responsibilities. Rather than reforming the Caliphate, he was separating it entirely from the political apparatus of the state.

His initial support was directed toward the 59-year-old Sheikh As'ad Shuqeiri, the Mufti of Syria and Isra'il. However, the Shi'a felt that the Sheikh was too close to the imperial royal family, being both a judge appointed by the Sultan and the custodian of the Imperial Library. And so the search was on to find a suitable candidate to become the head of the world's second largest religion. Concurrently, to symbolise the potential unity of the faith, the Caliph ordered the construction of an enormous palace complex opposite the Al-Misfalah Gardens, just a short walk from the Al-Masjed Al-Haram, the holiest site in all of Islam. It would be the new home of the Caliph. 


The US Constitutional Convention

On 4 June, 1919, the Governor of New York, Alfred Smith (right), was elected as Chairman of the Constitutional Convention at Independence Hall, Philadelphia. They had gathered here for fear of a Presidency that had become increasingly powerful and threatening to them all, as well as to the outside world. There was no doubt in the mind of the vast majority of the delegates: this would be more than a series of cosmetic reforms. What they needed was a fundamental redistribution of power.

No political faction had a majority in the decision-making process. Yet they all agreed on a number of points. Firstly, the power of the Presidency was too great and it needed to be divided. Some argued that there needed to be a division of powers between the President and a Prime Minister. However, others felt that transferring executive power to members of the Congress was generally a bad move. Others stated that the office of the Attorney General should not be a presidential appointment, to ensure the law enforcement of the nation could not be abused by the President. However, that began a debate regarding how one would empower an Attorney General to stand up against a President.

The Electoral College, it was commonly agreed, was a failed institution and should be abolished. To ensure some balance, there were suggestions of adopting a preferential voting system. Others (usually current or former members of Congress) complained about the terms of Congress, stating that two years was insufficient to achieve anything and that the terms should be extended to four years for Representatives.

Members of the Socialist delegation were determined to achieve some kind of resolution that eradicated the growing influence of money over elected officials, as well as wishing to dramatically increase the powers of the Congress (the only body of government in which they had any say). More conservative members wanted a "clearer definition" of the rights available to citizens, arguing that, as they currently stood, they opened up the way for anarchist and irresponsible behaviour.

Three days after they first convened, the situation was complicated by the announcement from the White House that President Beveridge had resumed duties. While the dead from the Great Plague had been substantial, he would not be one of them. (The list of fatalities globally now included many of the high and mighty, including former Prime Minister of Canada Wilfred Laurier, business magnate Henry John Heinz, philanthropist Andrew Carnegie, former Australian Prime Minister Alfred Deakin and Prime Minister of South Africa Louis Botha.) The President stated that he would oppose the campaign to install a new constitution and that he would stand as a candidate in the elections of 1920. However, in his own party, he was confronted by opposition from Senator Hiram Johnson, Governor Frank Lowden of Illinois and General Leonard Wood, all of whom were delegates to the Convention.

The Constitutional Convention would remain in session until 3 September, when President Beveridge announced that the National Security Council had uncovered a plot by "socialists" to attack Independence Hall. Among those who would be rounded up for interrogation would be the Mayor of Cleveland, Charles Ruthenberg. While no charges would be laid, it would be enough to delay the resumption of the convention until early in 1920 and ensure that any constitution would not be able to take effect until after the 1920 Presidential election.


The Socialists Stand Up

On 11 November, 1919, a day that is still remembered in the annals of American history, Texas Governor Edward Meitzen shocked the nation when he made an address to the nation by the National Broadcasting Service, the first national US radio service.

He announced that Lawrence Graham, the late NSC agent, was, in fact, alive and in custody. Not only was he alive, but he had provided a great deal of information to police about the internal operations of the President's National Security Council, that he had turned over bank statements that demonstrated the NSC had funded the attempted assassination and that he was prepared, under oath, to state that the Attorney General had personally authorised the mission. Attorney General Harry Daughtery immediately issued a strenuous denial, claiming that any evidence against him had been fraudulently produced by the Socialist administration in Texas. "The Texans have lied from the start," he said, "and they will go on lying."

The following day, the Governor of Washington, another SLP member, announced that he was commencing an investigation into the death of an IWW official, who had allegedly committed suicide while in the custody of the National Security Council. Anger swept through the union movement and the IWW declared a general strike. Large numbers of workers took to the streets. Miners, storemen, dock workers, transport drivers, iron and steel workers, teachers, postal workers, printers, nurses and a whole host of other trades joined in the strike. By the end of December, over half of the United States workforce was on strike, the economy was in freefall and the demands for accountability by the Federal Government were growing louder by the day.

The situation reached crisis point when on 9 January, 1920, the Attorney General authorised warrantless raids across the country, arresting thousands of people in thirty-three states. He claimed evidence of a planned revolution against the state. Just ten days later, President Beveridge gave an address to the nation, stating that the National Investigations Bureau would conduct a "high level, thorough and vigorous investigation". He was followed by Senator Hiram Johnson, who stated that the Senate would likewise investigate the dealings of the Administration with a view to clearing out corruption and "ending the seemingly terminal decline of the nation" and asked citizens to return to work.


The Fall of the Chieftains


In late 1919, the British Foreign Secretary, Arthur Henderson (left), and his French counterpart, Leon Blum, had a meeting of note with an Amazigh judge in Paris. Since Berber self-rule had been granted in 1913, a new governmental structure had been built under French guidance. However, there had been concerns about the fact that this newly created state had been ripped apart by tribal infighting, time and again. The visitor was asking for French and British support to end the violence and create a stable political entity.

Chief Justice Muhammed Ibn Abd El-Karim El-Khattabi had been the son of a judge of the Ait Yusuf clan of the Aith Uriaghel tribe. He had studied law from 1900 to 1905 at the distinguished University of Al Karaouine in Fez, Morocco, and had chosen to then spend three years in Paris studying a post-graduate degree in engineering and economics. Upon his return, in 1908, he had climbed through the Moroccan administration and had purchased El Telegrama, a notable Moroccan daily. When self-rule was granted in 1913, he had become Chief Justice of the newly formed Berber state at the age of only thirty-one.

Now, El-Khattabi was not so sure of his people's future. Local brigands and inter-tribal rivalries needed to be brought to an end. Intervention by foreign troops would not help the cause and would be resisted. What it required was a coup d'etat, the abolition of the Great Council of Chiefs and the establishment of a secular, pro-development populist regime. However, he was not certain that it could be done. Furthermore, if it could be done, he projected that it would take at least five to seven years to bring the Tauregi and other rebel tribes under control.

One of the reasons that the French were still uncertain about their colonies in Africa was their indefinite strategic status should they be allowed to go free. El-Khattabi was offering the prospect of a strong Berber state and governance under an educated and intelligent pro-French leadership. It would require the sacrifice of the southern portion of the Algerian enclave; however, most of the French population was solidified into the northern portion anyway. It would just mean that future migration to Algeria would need to be discouraged in favour of Morocco, Tripolitania and Tunis. Blum and el-Khattabi also discussed the prospect of a new identification, one that would provide an image of unity to the tribes, while still undercutting their tribal leadership and providing a positive image a European audience.

On 28 January, 1920, a coup d'etat was staged with French support. The chieftains were offered a choice between death or exile, with most choosing the later and el-Khattabi's army, with modern European weapons, spread out across the countryside to suppress any resistance. The tribes were formally abolished. That same day, Britain and France both extended de facto recognition in record speed to President el-Khattabi and to his new Republic of Numidia.


A Caliph is Elected

The gathering in the holy city of Al Madina Al Monawara began with a call to prayer by the aging Hussein bin Ali, Emir of the Arabians. It was followed by a grand ceremony, in which Sultan Mehmed VI laid a down a crown in the Al-Masjid Al-Haram before the tomb of the founder of the faith, calling for "he who is learned, brave, pious and near to the words of the Holy Prophet, peace be upon him, to take up the crown and prepare until the day of Muhammed al-Mahdi". The words were a clear call to the Shi'a delegates present to repair the rift in Islam by joining this process.

Under new laws passed by the Ottoman parliament, the Sultan could no longer hold both spiritual and temporal powers. To remain ruler of the Empire, he must grant authority to a new spiritual leader. The Sultan had invited representatives from Islamic communities across the globe and had paid for their transportation. They were here from every sect and every school in an attempt to elect a Caliph to represent them all. The key element of Shi'a involvement was that the new Caliph had to be a descendant of Ali ibn Abu-Talib and Fatima Zahra, the cousin and daughter of the Prophet (PBUH). There was also an insistence that the new Caliph could not have a birthplace from any point east of Mecca, to prevent the fulfillment of a prophecy regarding the end of the world.

Many felt that further concentration of power in the hands of the Hashemite, the most likely candidates, would break apart the Sultanate. Though the representatives from the Ottoman Empire had numerical advantage, the Sultan had clearly instructed that the Emir and his family were not to have the title of Caliph and thus that bloc of votes would be divided. This allowed for a greater influence by the Maliki, Shafi'i and Shi'a representatives, who would otherwise have been neutralised in any vote. However, it was agreed that the Emir should manage proceedings.

Eventually, the consensus fell upon Yusuf ibn Hassan (left), a 38-year-old from Meknes, who was related to the deposed royal family of Morocco, and for the first time in 1259 years, all of Islam had a single Caliph. While it remained to be seen how long that unity would last, Caliph Yusuf I would rule until his death on 17 November, 1927.


The Convention Resumes

On 14 February, 1920, President Albert Beveridge announced that the Constitutional Convention would resume its activities, under the protection of the American Legion, who would occupy the Independence Hall and its precincts for the duration. The delegates gathered uncomfortably, well aware that everything said during the proceedings would be immediately reported to the White House and that all statements would be closely analysed for their content and tone. They had already been warned that any criticism of the current Administration could result in their arrest on criminal charges.

Two weeks earlier, one of the hierarchy of the Administration had decided that it was time to make a contingency plan. Admiral William S. Benson, Chief of Naval Operations, had made contact with officials in the British Embassy and had asked their assistance. He had been placed in contact with a Canadian counter-intelligence team, specifically instituted by the Borden Government with the intent of infiltrating the United States and preventing any threat to the political and economic stability of Canada. His purpose: to prepare for a military coup d'etat in case one should become necessary.

He took into his confidence Major General Hugh Scott, who had quietly complained about the growing American Legion. While not as well-armed, it had grown larger than the Army itself and had established chapters all across America. The Canadians had recently expelled a number of Americans, allegedly for attempting to establish a secret base in Saskatchewan, and General Scott could not be certain that the Administration had not authorised the action. Tensions on the northern border were worse than they had been in over a century. Scott was also rather peeved about military desegregation, but it was his concern about the paramilitaries that moved him to join the conspiracy.

On the side of the workers, the union movement had declared that they would hold a "National Day of Action" on 15 March, and stated that such rolling stoppages would continue until the Meitzen Affair had been fully investigated. Behind them was the IWW's ragtag "People's Action Alliance", a group about fifty thousand strong who were taking great advantage of their Second Amendment rights and buying large amounts of weaponry. In the South, the White Citizens Movement had begun to re-organise and was doing the same, with the tacit support of the Ku Klux Klan.

Vice President Warren Harding, Attorney General Harry Daughtery and National Investigations Bureau Director, Mitchell Palmer all advised the President that the day may be coming, in short order, where martial law would be required. Beveridge agreed that the threats to the Administration were growing by the day, but he was reluctant to take such drastic action with an election looming on the horizon in November. He had pledged to bring war to the Socialist threat; it was appearing increasingly inevitable that civil war might be the outcome.


On 15 March, 1920, the National Day of Action, sponsored by the Socialist Labor Party and the International Workers of the World, saw large numbers take to the streets of America. From New York to Milwaukee, many facilities came to a standstill once again. By their sides marched the National Association for the Advancement of Colored Peoples and the Native American Association. Fearful of police or even army intervention, the marchers carried weapons, declaring themselves the "Army of the People"; however, the SLP leader, Congressman Eugene Debs, ensured that they behaved themselves. Standing on the steps of the newly completed Lincoln Memorial, he called for workers to gather once again on 2 April and to continue to stand up to "government suppression of our constitutional rights".


The response on 2 April would be somewhat different. On 23 March, a warrant was issued for the arrest of Admiral Benson (right) by the National Investigations Bureau. He was charged with treason. Fortunately for Benson, he was spirited across the northern border into Newfoundland incognito and placed aboard a ship to Britain before the Government could respond. Nonetheless, it was sufficient for the President to become convinced of a British plot to overthrow the American government and for the union movement and the SLP to be classified as tools of conspiracy by foreign socialists. He resolved to meet them with force.

On 2 April, the Second Day of Action became the largest show of force by the union movement to date. Modern estimates put the number of protestors at over fifty thousand. On orders from the President, the Army moved in. During a series of gun battles across America's industrial heartland, 1556 people were killed. The Socialist Labor Party headquarters in Terre Haute, Indiana, was raided by the NIB and a number of members of Congress detained for questioning. Party leader Debs was placed under arrest for sedition and treason, accused of plotting to overthrow the Administration. Defence Secretary John W. Weeks, Commerce Secretary Herbert Hoover, Labor Secretary James Davis and Agriculture Secretary Henry Wallace all resigned in protest.

President Beveridge called for calm, stating that, while the socialist threat remained, America would be safer in the days to come. However, it was his Administration that had come under threat. The arrest of Congressional members antagonised the moderates within his own party. On 26 April, the day following the convictions in the Meitzen case, Senator Hiram Johnson of California split the Republican Party for the second time in fifteen years, taking large numbers out of the Republican caucus with him and joining the Democratic Party en masse, stating the need to form a unified Congress. On the same day, the Senate issued subpoenas for Vice President Harding, Attorney General Daughtery and NIB Director Palmer.


A Royal Wedding

The official announcement had been made the previous November, when the future King Edward VIII and his bride-to-be had dazzled the world with her white gold engagement ring, including a monumental diamond surrounding by thirteen others. The streets of London had come alive with a crowd that was later estimated at over fifty thousand as the bride and her father began the journey to Westminster Abbey in a glass coach. The House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha was throwing a wedding.

Her Victorian gown was enhanced by ten thousand pearls, puffed sleeves and silk slippers. Her bouquet was yellow roses, gardenias, orchids, lily of the valley and freesia, with accents of mrytle from Queen Victoria's garden at Osborne House. The "old" lace on the "new" dress came from the collection of Dowager Empress Alexandra, the consort of the late Edward VII, now approaching eighty. The tiara on her head had once belonged to Maria Feodorovna, wife of Tsar Paul I, and held nearly 130 carats of diamonds, having been "borrowed" from the Russian Tsar for the occasion. The "blue" was a dainty bow on the bodice of her gown.

During the ceremony, Edward, the 25-year-old Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwall, presented his new wife with a wedding band fashioned from Welsh gold. Afterwards, the new couple's wedding breakfast at the Buckingham Palace consisted of brill in lobster sauce, chicken breasts garnished with lamb mousse and strawberries in cornish cream, washed down with claret and port. The cake was five tiers, with a garden of confectionary roses accenting an ornamental "E" for Edward and "O" for his third cousin, Princess Olga of Hesse, daughter of the former Tsar Nicholas II of Russia.


In a brief interview with the times, the new Princess of Wales spoke about her trips to Russia since the Revolution and her gratitude for the welcome of the Russian people. She also spoke about her late mother, Princess Alix, who had died just last year. She also confirmed that Prince Alexei (left), the former Tsarevich, would remain at Eton College. However, the most important question would be answered just eleven months later, when, on 17 January, 1921, Princess Olga gave birth to George Nicholas Albert Michael. Two and a half years later, she would give birth to Alexandra Victoria Olga Mary and then in 1926, to Edward Frederick Arthur George.


Arab Separatism

There are disputes as to his birth year - some suggest 1852, others 1854. Husayn ibn Ali (aka Hussein bin Ali) was born in Constantinople, capital of the Ottoman Empire and was always destined to be head of the Hashemite family, one of the most powerful clans in the Empire. He and his family were the most direct descendants of the Prophet Muhammed, and, as such, were responsible for being Guardians of the Two Mosques, Islam's holiest shrines.


His rise to prominence began in 1909, when following the failure of the Jonturkler coup d'etat, he participated in the diplomatic congress that gave rise to the Second Tanzimat, the reinvigoration of the Ottoman state. While he primarily agreed with the modernisation, he opposed strongly the sale of land in Uhyun to foreigners and questioned the separation of the city of Jerusalem into a separate principality. It was primarily as a result of this opposition that the Sultan made substantial concessions toward Arab development and appointed the long-serving Arab Grand Vizier, Nafi al-Jabiri. It was during this time that he took the title of King of Arabia, antagonising the tribes of the southern peninsula who refused to recognise his authority.

In June, 1913, he served as the Imperial Envoy to St Petersburg, negotiating the normalisation of relations between the two empires after decades of tensions and winning the favour of the Kurds for his expansion of their kingdom at the expense of the Persians. Three years later, he served as the Commander of the Ottoman forces in overthrowing the Wahhabi Kingdom of Nejd and deposed the Saud family. He also led the negotiations with established the line of demarcation, permanently separating the Arabian peninsula into Ottoman and British spheres of influence.

The most transformational event in the life of King Hussein was the debate over the role of the Caliphate, which became a central theme of Ottoman life following the demise of the Sultan during the Great Plague of 1918-19. In the argument over the separation of church and state, it became clear that Mehmed VI would not compromise due to his fear of the power of the Hashemite family. While retaining the title of King of Arabia, King Hussein compromised by agreeing to surrender the title of Sherif, thus preventing the Ottoman Empire from plunging into civil conflict. However, the Hashemite family came to strongly resent the sacrifices they had been forced to make.

On 4 April, 1920, King Hussein, endorsed by the overwhelming majority of Arabs, announced his intention to seek Arabian independence. He stated that this would take place as a negotiated process, specifically stating that he wished to retain good relations with the Ottoman and British Empires. (Poor relations with the Persians meant that he could not do otherwise.) The Sultan, having been advised of Arab intentions, asked for a meeting in the capital, Beirut and invited the British to mediate in the dispute between the houses of Osman and Hashem.

After three weeks of intense negotiations, King Hussein agreed to postpone political secession. In return, he received substantial revisions to the Seven-Year Plan which benefited the Asiri, the Yemeni and the Nejd, as well as making substantial improvements to the Al Hasa coastline. The United Kingdom again came to the party as the international financier, but demanded in return for its investment a concession of land south of Al Kuwait, increasing the holdings of the Sabah family by approximately one third. It was agreed that the three parties would meet again to discuss the matter in 1923.


Defending An Empire

While India and the other Dominions were now partially funding the British Army, Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald recognised that the drain on the Exchequer could not continue indefinitely. The cost of defending the Empire was immense. The main difficulty was that, if the British began to demand resources from the Dominions to pay for their defence, the Dominions would undoubtedly begin to demand a greater say in how the military was used. MacDonald met with Emperor King George V and discussed the situation. It appeared inevitable that, at some stage, the British would either need to sacrifice the Empire, or sacrifice their control of the Empire. There was no other way.

In early 1920, the Prime Minister sent notes to his fellow heads of government asking for an Imperial Conference. Those invited were:

Canada: Sir Robert Borden;

Australia: Matthew Charlton;

South Africa: Jan Smuts;

India: Mohammed Ali Jinnah;

Egypt: Rushdi Husayn;

Newfoundland: Michael Cashin;

New Zealand: Patrick Webb (Prime Minister Hindmarsh had died in the Great Plague);
Ireland: John Dillon; and

Pashtunistan: Khan Abdul Jaffar Khan.

They gathered in Cairo in April to discuss a way forward, with the Earl of Koubah chairing the conference.

MacDonald found himself facing some strong opinions, particularly from Charlton and Borden. Borden (right) was concerned that London was refusing to take seriously the potential threat of civil unrest in the United States spilling across the border; he was supported strongly by Cashin in this regard. Charlton had heard reports from his countrymen about the bloodshed in India during the mutiny of 1911-14 and was not prepared to continue to support the aims of the Empire unless Australia could have some say to as how and where her troops were used. Furthermore, Charlton summed up the beliefs of many other delegates when he stated there was no reason why the Indians and the British should be entitled to "lord it over us all". They wanted both India and Great Britain classified as Dominions and an agreement that all Dominions would be equal in status, not subordinate to each other in any way, but united through a common allegiance to the Crown, a common defence and a common foreign policy.

Borden's recommendation was that they should establish an Imperial Council, to administer the defence and foreign affairs of the Empire, rather than having rule emanating out of London, with each Dominion having just one vote. MacDonald was prepared to reach agreement on this, but wished to reserve the right for England, Scotland and Wales to be considered as three separate Dominions for the purposes of voting, giving Britain three votes to one vote for everyone else. General Smuts summed up the attitude of others when he told MacDonald that if Scotland and Wales wanted to vote separately, then they should not be ruled from Westminster. In fact, none of them should be ruled from Westminster and the legislative authority of the British Parliament over the Dominions should be revoked. Borden added that their Governors-General should only serve as representatives of the Crown, not the British government. In short, the Dominions wanted equality.

MacDonald was shocked by the demands, but had received commitments that together, the Dominions would cover two-fifths of the cost of Imperial defence. This would allow for a substantial increase in the British, strike that, the Imperial Defence Forces while actually lowering the cost of defence to the British government itself, as well as providing extra resources or perhaps tax cuts for the average British worker. He agreed to take the matter under advisement. He was not surprised that the Conservative Party hated the idea; however, the Liberals, who were prepared to negotiate, signalled their consent to most of the terms but managed to get Britain the three votes it wanted (to represent all the other parts of the Empire). The Koubah Declaration, as the agreement would later become known, was passed by the British Parliament in 1923 and gave birth to "The Condominium".


Changes in 1920

The year 1920 was a period of massive change, with events that only a decade before had been considered impossible. In May, 1920, the first Negro professional baseball player, Oscar Charleston, was hired by the Indianapolis Indians to play at Victory Field. He went on to play for the Pittsburgh Pirates, taking part in the 1925 World Series win. In the 1930's, he would become one of a consortium who bought the club outright. His employment made way for six other African American players to be hired in 1921.

That same month, the USSR announced that it was opening its armed forces to women as Maria Bochkareva signed on as an navy officer cadet at the National Defence Academy. A twice-divorced wife, she was initially treated with ridicule by the men of the armed forces. However, the recent Russian legislation that prevented sexual discrimination meant that she could not be held back. However, the viciousness of the 31-year-old in training, a trait she laughingly ascribed to thoughts of her ex-husbands, made everybody sit up and take notice. By the time she turned forty-eight, she was the first female captain, taking charge of the RNS Odessa. She took early retirement in 1944, going on to write a memoir of her experiences which was a global best-seller.

Despite the absence of French President Jean Jaures, hospitalised following a car accident outside Orleans, representatives of the eight nations of the Strasbourg Commission announced the creation of a customs union in June. Their stated intent was to move ahead of the plans of the International Trade Commission and advance their mutual strength as a negotiating bloc. In doing so, they raised the interest of a number of countries. Finland would become the ninth member of the Strasbourg Commission before the end of the year. In Asia, China, Siam and Persia announced their intention to negotiate entry and the Bolivarian Pact sent a representative to open discussions on a free trade agreement between the two institutions.


The Death of Democracy

As NSC Deputy Chairman and NIB Director, Alexander Mitchell Palmer had almost unlimited power. Despite his expulsion from the Democratic Party's National Committee, he had seized the assets and persons of many of the "would-be revolutionaries". His projection of a revolution on May Day had not come to fruition, but he had no doubt that, without the actions of the army in April, the revolution would have succeeded. The growing vacancies at the Cabinet table were a sign, he told the President, of the weakness of the commitment of those resignees to the stability of American democracy.


On 22 July, 1920, as he perused documents in his Washington, D.C. office, he was visited by his own Deputy, William J Flynn and two other agents. The conversation was brief and he was presented with a warrant for his own arrest, charged with his involvement in plotting the assassination of Governor Meitzen. He was immediately placed in a vehicle and transported out of the capital to Pennsylvania, where he was kept incommunicado for seventy-two hours. At that time, Vice President Warren Harding and Attorney General Daughtery were also arrested for their involvement in the conspiracy.


When the White House learned of the arrests, President Albert Beveridge was outraged. However, the assault against his Administration had not yet reached its pinnacle. The day after the Vice President was arrested, Mexican President Carranza stated that the lack of continuity in his oil contracts with the United States meant that he must unavoidably seek alternate markets. He announced the cancellation of US deals in lieu of new arrangements with Argentina, Colombia and Chile. Assaulted from without and from within by conspiracies against his Administration, President Beveridge announced the suspension of the Constitution on 2 August and declared that he would rule by decree under martial law.


The response was riots in the streets of most American cities. The climax came on 15 August, when a massive group of citizens occupied the Capitol, demanding the restoration of the Congress. As the American Legion began to move into position around the building, one of the protestors emerged holding a white flag of truce. He was shot down on the Capitol steps. Not long after, the Capitol was ablaze (right). While much of the building's exterior survived intact, the Library and the interior was utterly destroyed. The heat of the flames brought down the cast-iron dome, and the 6800 kg Statue of Freedom plunged nearly three hundred feet from her pinnacle into the burning wreck.

The enraged crowd then turned on the American Legion, who, though armed, were no match for the massive crowd. They were quickly overwhelmed and lynched from nearby street signs. The crowd then began to make their way up Pennsylvania Avenue, while the President and First Lady Catherine Beveridge fled across the Potomac into Virginia. The White House was occupied briefly and then torched. A similar raid was made upon the Treasury building, where large number of greenbacks were seized by the maddening crowds. Smoke rose above the city for the next two days before American Legion reinforcements were able to move in and retake the city. President Beveridge declared the defeat of the socialist revolution and ordered his forces to crack down hard on all signs of resistance.

Five days later in Ottawa, Governor Alfred Smith was declared Acting President by a group of Congressional leaders. Some reported in electronically, using Metropolitan-Vickers radios that the British had begun to smuggle into the country to aid the resistance, to cast their votes in favour of impeachment. However, the absence of the Chief Justice, who had been detained and held hostage by forces loyal to Beveridge, meant that the impeachment was extra-constitutional. On 16 September, the Canadian government received a request for extradition of "the traitors".

Britain Responds

Despite his claims of victory, President Beveridge gave an address to the nation on 20 September, 1920, stating that the state of emergency must continue. He argued that there remained dangerous threats, as typified by the bombing of the American Legion headquarters the previous day. What he had done, he said, was to force the socialist resistance into an open insurgency where they would be easier to fight, rather than having them carry out hidden plots against the Government.

With the insurgency came rising death tolls. By late October, the estimated number of casualties were between six and seven thousand. The President explained that elections could not be held in this kind of social and political environment. Either way, the Democrats had chosen to betray the country and the Socialists had always intended to do so. As the representative of the Republican Party, he would manage affairs in the nation's best interests. It was just a question of who would defy him and how soon.

In an example of how truth is stranger than fiction, the first resistance came in the state named for the first President. Opponents of Beveridge had watched as the British Empire had sent large numbers of troops to Canada and had been encouraged by the willingness of Russia and Japan to offer their support to Canada's defence. Russia began to move her troops east, putting troops in Vladivostok to sea around the Aleutian Islands and in the Gulf of Alaska. Japan offered her assistance in the "exercise" but surreptitiously established contact with Prince Jonah Kuhio Kalaniana'ole, the US Territorial Delegate of Hawai’i, offering support for the restoration of the monarchy, with him as King. Inspired by this international show of support, the people acted.

On 21 October, the American Legion attempted to stop a group of suspected "terrorists" from crossing the border into British Columbia. Canadian soldiers, who had been instructed to allow them to pass in violation of US demands, did so and the American Legion opened fire on the border post. In an exchange of gunfire, eleven people, including three Canadians, were killed. The President ordered the American Legion to reinforce their position.

However, as a convoy was making its way north through the township of Bellingham, the trucks were ambushed by Washingtonians. American Legion soldiers were cut down as they fled, while weapons and vehicles were seized by the resistance. The Governor of Washington, Maynard Shipley, announced that the American Legion was now a criminal organisation and all members faced arrest and deportation. On 28 October, as the President began to dispatch further reinforcements, Governor Shipley stated that, as the Constitution had been suspended and as the federal government was attacking his state, he was no longer under US sovereignty. He was joined by the Governor of Jefferson, William Richardson, and the Governor of Oregon, Ben Olcott, the following day. They stated that, together, they would form a new country - the Commonwealth of Cascadia. Together, the three men - one Republican, one Democrat, one Socialist - asked for the protection of Great Britain.


The US Collapses

With the first sign of resistance in Cascadia, it was perhaps inevitable that the accumulated grievances of the South should finally spill over into political action. Many of the Southern Representatives and Senators, getting grumpy as their Canadian hideaways moved toward winter, decided that if Cascadia could hedge their bets, so could they.

The Congressional delegations was three-quarter Democrat. All the African Americans voted Socialist anyway and, with the proper encouragement, the Republican Party could be killed off after any successful secession. With two threats to unity, the President would be hamstrung and it wasn't like the American Legion had a great deal of support in the South anyway. Estimates were that the share of population could be as low as three percent; in Cascadia, support for the Administration was still around 15%. On 30 October, days after Cascadia, the Confederate States of America was reborn on the principle of state rights. The accumulated delegates passed a motion of independence by 132 votes to 4. As part of the deal to obtain Socialist delegate support for independence, the Democrats promised to recognise eastern Oklahoma as a de facto native American homeland, which would eventually go by the name of Five Nations (Cherokee, Creek, Seminole, Chocktaw and Chickasaw).

That same day, King Jonah Kuhio Kalaniana'ole of Hawai'i (left) announced the return of the monarchy and the House of Kalakaua. He authorised the landing of Japanese troops to maintain order during the "restoration" and arranged for the immediate detention of the stroke-ridden 76-year-old Sanford B. Dole; however, he ordered that there be no other retaliations and appealed for calm. In the interim, he announced that the Constitution of 1840 would be reinstated. When it became clear that Dole was too ill to stand trial, he was released to the custody of his family.

President Beveridge, in an address to the rebels, stated that he would give them ninety days to restore "legitimate authority" before the nation would be plunged into civil war. He also warned that the entry of any foreign troops onto American soil would be regarded as a declaration of war, whether or not they had been invited by individual state governors to do so. The response came in a speech broadcast by Canadian radio across the American heartland on 15 November. It was also heard across the world as trans-Atlantic cables brought the voice into the homes of Europeans as well. The speaker was Senator Eugene Debs (SLP).


"My fellow Americans," he began, "We are a great people and we have a great gift. We are among the lucky few enabled by the grace of the Great Architect of the Universe who are empowered to transform the world by our actions. We are learning to control nature; we are becoming a great culture; and one day, we will be able to reach out to the new worlds that the astronomer, Hubble, has recently discovered and we will touch and change them too. The hopes of the future are endless.

But we have differences, different people with different reasons for living and we are now seeing the conflicts caused by those differences, the storms brewing on the horizon, the troubles than threaten to crash into us when so often we've had the good fortune to watch them pass overhead. The future may be ugly. At times, it almost certainly will get ugly. However, we have to remember that every strike against us will only enrich us, as they melt away the corrupt and frozen institutions that have helped us this far but have long since served their time. And this will leave us with the necessity of creation - the imperative to invent a new society - the opportunity to announce a new spring in the affairs of humanity.

I used to think that this change would take some kind of radical transformation of the American condition. However, as I have met Americans, I have come to see that I was wrong. We already have the building blocks to conjure the Great Society, keeping in mind what Teddy Roosevelt always said, looking generations forward. We must no longer think just of ourselves, but of the world in which our children will live, and in which their children will live and on down forever. We must act in a way that gives them as many opportunities as we have been given and more. We must reverse the decay and restore the great hope of our Founding Fathers of a government of the people, by the people and for the people.

Now, for the last few decades, we have watched as the enemies of the people began to encroach on the rules by which we have lived our lives, and taken advantage of us and begun like parasites to feed on our country. The greed of kings and nobles floating above us all. Those elite that float above us, and give nothing back and impoverish EVERYONE and EVERYTHING. My fellow citizens, they are the poorest of us all and they do not know it. They have become disengaged from what you and I know, from what it means to be a human being. They have accomplished nothing of value except the manipulation of values. And yet they have sucked away from us all the gifts of our labours, feeding on us, while increasing the repressive powers that keep them in place. President Beveridge was once my friend and colleague. He has been led astray and joined with these enemies at their feast.

So, friends, at this point you must choose between democracy and capitalism. We on the frontier of the world are better positioned than anyone to see the global battle and we are going to be swept up in this fight and we, unfortunately, cannot choose not to be a part of it. Our fate will decide the future of the world. That being the case, we must band together - for the common good, for our own self benefit, for our children and the generation to comes, but most of all, to ensure the hope of the future for the whole world."


On to Volume II


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