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France 1940 – alternatives

 

My take on this is that when reviewing famous victories, most of them are terribly one-sided affairs.  There was no question that Zhukov and Koniev would take Berlin in 1945.  It was a matter of elegance.  The correlation of forces was such that however badly they command they could not lose. 

There are other battles where the correlation of forces cannot predict the outcome.  Wellington rightly called Waterloo a damned near run thing.  When a balanced action results in a world shattering victory [Cannae, Midway] usually one side was very lucky and the other made endless errors.  My contention is that the German victory in France in 1940 was of this category.  I am working out of two books – No End Save Victory edited by Robert Cowley and Strange Victory by Ernest May – but also mentally referencing 40 years reading and discussion of military history and wargame design.

Start with the correlation of forces, May 1940

May pp 477-478

  Germany France UK Belgian Dutch Total Allies
Total Divisions 135 104 15 22 11 152
Divisions on Line or Immediate reserve: First Line 76 69 10 10 4 93
Divisions on Line or Immediate reserve: Second Line 26 11   12 7 30
Tanks 2438 3254 640 270 40 4204
Combat Aircraft 3,369 3,562 1,246 102 71 4,981
Artillery Tubes 7,378 10,700 1,280

 

1,338

 

 656

 

13,974

German Tanks

1478 Light – Pz I, Pz II

961 Medium – Pz III, Pz IV, Pz 38

0 Heavy

 

Anglo French Tanks

765 Light – Renault, AMR

1730 Medium – Souma, D2, R35, FCM, Cruiser

584 Heavy – Char B, Matilda

 

Yes German training was better than the Allied average.  They had better radios, better doctrine, the initiative and a united command [the Allies never did get their overly complicated four nation command structure properly up and running before everything fell apart].  However the norm is that you need at least a 3-1 superiority at the point of contact.  Germany had that only at a few selected points and only because of French errors and luck, as I will demonstrate.

Deployments

A = first line

B = second line

Dutch had 4 A and 7B divisions facing German 18th Army with 5A, 4B, 1 Panzer and the bulk of the German airborne forces [about a division although not organized that way]

In Belgium the Allies had two French armies, the BEF and Belgians with 15 French A, 2 French B, 3 French armored divisions, 6 French motorized divisions, 9 BEF Divisions [all basically motorized], 12 Belgium A and 10 Belgian B. Facing them were 18 German A, 8 B, a para battlegroup that was largely destroyed taking the key Belgian fortress and 2 Panzer divisions.

At the hinge in the Ardennes were two French armies in two separate army groups [the German attack came roughly on the Army Group boundary always a danger area as was well known from WW1] with 14A divisions, 4 B divisions, 2 motorized divisions and 2 cavalry hybrid divisions.  Facing them were 30 German A divisions, 4 B, 7 panzer divisions, 4 motorized divisions.  Despite an overall inferiority the Germans managed superiority on the attack sector.  We will see why below.

Essentially doing nothing in the Maginot Line and Westwall were 21 French A, 1 British A, 5 French B facing 8 German A and 11 German B. 

In reserve were 16 French A, 2 French armored, 1 French motorized.  There were 5 partially formed British divisions essentially being used as labor troops around the Channel ports.    German reserves were 9 A and 10B.

The first major French failure was obviously intelligence.  They allowed themselves to be surprised strategically and operationally.  Strategically despite having enough forces to cover everything they insisted on a plan for a dash into Belgium deep enough to link up with the Dutch PLUS major forces to guard the Maginot Line.  Fortified lines are supposed to free up troops for use elsewhere.  French intelligence was so bad that they allowed their fortified lines to be screened by an inferior force.  The French plan only made sense if they were sure the Germans would in fact make the main effort in Belgium.  To placate the British stupidity [fears the Germans would invade Holland and then bomb Britain without going further] they put a first rate French army on the British left to race and link up with the Dutch.  Allied plans took account of French political problems, British absurd fears, Benelux neutrality…everything but German capabilities.

Operationally they allowed themselves to be surprised by the actual day of the German advance.  This is not the place to go into endless discourses on signal to noise ratio in the intelligence business.  A few retired French officers with radios, good field glasses and government paid retirement homes on the Dutch – German, Belgian – German, and Luxemburg-German borders could have made a world of difference if anyone in Paris would have paid attention.  The cumbersome structure of the French government, French command, and inter-Allied command arrangement make it unlikely that the Allies would have acted on the data had they processed it in time {May points out that they had clear data on the preattack German buildup at the Luxembourg border and did nothing}.  So I presume to begin that nothing changes up to the balloon going up.  The Germans will achieve operational and strategic surprise.  The French 1st Army group will move as planned into Belgium with the French left racing to link up with the Dutch at Breda and thus make the British happy.

It is here that I start proposing variants.  Before I do so a word on the French army.  Its biggest defect was an extremely slow and extremely over centralized decision cycle.  Many of credited the Germans with discovering a new mode of warfare, the Blitzkrieg.  This is bullshit.  All Guderian did in 1940 was apply the Storm system of 1917-18 with modern vehicles, radios and aircraft.  Essentially the problem with the WW1 storm system tactically was that you lost contact with all your units at X hour.  Radios were too big and too delicate.  Phone wire always got cut.  The operational problem of storm was two fold.  You couldn’t deploy your artillery or logistics quickly enough across the moonscape that the barrage reduced the battlefield to before the enemy had brought up reserves.  The moonscape came from bad / no radios [artillery firing blind therefore too many shells] and not being able to use aircraft as flying artillery.  The French and British had failed to see how to do any of this for various institutional reasons.  That is not why they lost.  They lost because they institutionally forgot the lessons of 1916-18.  Both Western armies were less capable than they were in 1918.  Either 1918 army with 1918 equipment holds the breakout at the Meuse to a Michael 1918 offensive type of defeat [alarming but not a disaster].  The two had retrogressed, the French worst of all.  However, I am going to treat this as a given as changing it means going back to the 20’s and 30’s. 

So the French will fight well as companies but poorly as divisions and horribly as armies.  They will take too long to redeploy and be too slow to react.  They will be the Army of the Potomac facing Bobby Lee.

They still had very good chances of winning.

May points first to the traffic jam that was the armored push through the Ardennes.  He hypothesizes that the Allies could have attacked the head to tail snarled road columns during the three days they went through the Ardennes with air.  I feel this was beyond the Allies.  The two Air Forces had spent decades refusing to be German style flying artillery.  This was not going to change in three days even though the panzer columns had no fighter cover – the German Air Force was tied up for the first three days dominating the skies over Belgium and Holland.

However the French did send two hybrid cavalry divisions into the Ardennes.  I am not asking for them to be Speznatz.  However the two divisions underperformed a Belgian reserve bicycle battlegroup.  These Belgians did good recon and good delaying work before pedaling away to rejoin the Belgian Army.  The two French divisions never managed to use their horses to get off road and scout the German columns.  They did less to delay – knocking down trees, roadblocks, wrecking bridges than two divisions of Napoleon’ s dragoons would have done facing the same situation.  There is no trick to using horses in bad terrain to go where wheels and tracks cannot.  Recon and reporting are basic skills.  So are delaying tactics when terrain favors it.  They could easily have delayed the Germans enough for the slow French army to realize the problem, react and get properly prepared on the Meuse.  One chance lost.

Now we come to a major French blunder.  They had a plan to meet the Germans in Belgium.  They had a second plan if the Germans fooled them and made the main effort in Lorraine against the Maginot Line.  Simple prudence would have them prepare a 3rd plan in case the main effort was at the hinge in the Ardennes.  Even the French were somewhat aware that their reaction time was slow and command style over centralized.  As there were only three realistic places for the Germans to attack – a main attack across the Rhine into Alsace or through the Swiss mountains is simply too absurd for words – making an extra plan was simple prudence.  It wasn’t done.  Even the elementary steps weren’t taken.  The two armies left at the hinge were part of different army groups.  One was part of an Army group that had to juggle four other armies from three different nationalities.  The Ardennes army was the command stepchild.  The other Ardennes army was part of a group whose main function was defending Lorraine.  Again it was the stepchild.  These are elementary mistakes.  Having made them, normal WW1 practice would have been to put a command reserve force on the hinge between the two armies, which was also the hinge between army groups.  It would have been SOP in 1917-18.  It wasn’t done.  It would have saved France.  Another chance lost.

In the event, the Germans attacked straight off the march.  The French had presumed that even if the Germans sent motor units through the Ardennes, they would have to wait for the artillery to come up, giving the French time to counter the move.  The Germans were able to do this attack off the road march mostly because of two extraordinary commanders.  One was Heinz Guderian whose corps made one of the two breakthroughs.  There is no way he would not have gotten his command.  He was the creator of the panzer forces and one of the army command’s fair-haired boys.

The other was a divisional commander named Erwin Rommel.  He had been a brilliant mountain jager in WW1 [a Speznatz type commando] but was regarded in the army as unsuited for higher command.  He was felt to be one of those all balls, no brains type that didn’t fit into the mould to go to staff school, etc.  As a result he was given a meaningless assignment handling Hitler’s entourage for the occupation of Prague and again during the Polish campaign.  He was just the sort of physically active storm officer to appeal to the old front fighter Adolph.  As patronage Hitler gave him a Panzer division for the 1940 campaign.  Rommel had no armored or motorized training.  He treated a tank division as a storm division from 1918 with better weapons.  He made a highly unlikely breakthrough that unhinged Corap’s 9th Army by his usual commando style of leading the spearpoint from the front while trusting his staff to keep his division running.  His companion division did not do as well.  Another bit of German luck.

Back to Guderian: on the march through the Ardennes there were almost no attempts at air interdiction.  One of the few was a blind bombing of a small town in the forest.  Destroyed one staff car outside Guderian’s temp HQ and the shrapnel almost took his head off but didn’t actually hit him.  Without him the attack fails at the Meuse and later.  Another bit of German luck.

Guderian gets to the Meuse with three divisions.  He was supposed to have two but disobeyed orders and lied to his superiors [he left just enough of 10th Panzer division as a flank guard to fake signals traffic to fool his own bosses].  Kleist has a fight with him but doesn’t relieve him.  Another bit of German luck.

Guderian asks for a delay in making the crossing, to allow artillery to come up.  Kleist overrules him and makes it stick [the only time he will make an order stick with Guderian during the campaign but also the only time he was correct – hours counted].  Another bit of German luck.

Kleist also overrules Guiderian’s careful air attack plans.  Kleist’s orders do not reach the air HQ on time so the planes use Guderian’s attack plan for prolonged loiter attack which is much more effective.  Another bit of German luck.

Both sides had B divisions.  Older reservists, reserve cadre, not enough weapons, not enough training.  The French put one of theirs on the hinge, the 55thID.  However even for a B Reserve unit it performs poorly.  Although it was in the same position from mobilization in September to the attack in May it never completes its defenses – blockhouses, minefields, etc.  By constantly shuffling companies out of the line for labor duty and training it manages to destroy what little unit cohesion it has.  Companies are given to other battalions when they return to the line, battalions to other regiments.  Despite knowing for three days that the real war is one, no one at regiment, division, corps or army command checks to be sure that this shuffled mess knows its defense assignments, who is on whose flanks, checks that communication lines are in between adjacent units, prepares fire plans for the artillery – nothing.  On the day of the attack some blockhouses cannot be used because the company with the keys has moved and locked them.  This is staff school 101 folks.  We are talking moron level here.  A competent command inspection in 1915-18 would have sacked the lot of them.  Nobody looked.  Nobody cared.  All eyes are on Belgium.  With essentially the entire German air force and three panzer divisions plus the elite Gross Deutschland regiment attacking this lone division across the Meuse the isolated companies hold for most of the day inflicting massive losses on the Germans.  By dusk the division is starting to unravel but French command is ignoring the problem.  Any competent corps commander from the Great War brings up his reserves and seals the breach.  Again it would have been a defeat but not a disaster.  Another chance lost.

On the 14th and 15th the French brought up 6 good reserve divisions.  The Germans slowly expanded the bridgehead.  The French reserves were committed piecemeal to small counterattacks.  These attacks were never coordinated.  Guderian was able to get his three divisions across the Meuse.  The French also put all six divisions south and east of Guderian, leaving the West side to two somewhat battered B divisions.  By 1918 standards this was pathetic.  Why herd Guderian towards the one direction, west, where there are other major German forces and where a straight thrust can cut off the Allied army group in Belgium?  Had DeGaulle’s armored division been sent he probably could have stopped the penetration, which would have only left Rommel to contain.  He was kept in reserve despite being known as the best French armored expert.  Yes his division was still being formed but had he been given a rump corps with the 3rd Armored and 3rd Motorized he would not have botched the Stonne battles the way Hutziger did.  Had Lattre de Tassigny [commander of the 1st Free French Army 44-45 and later of the Indochina War where he beat Giap several times] been given the A reserve infantry divisions instead of just his own 14th the gap would have been sealed.  With it all, with all the German luck and French errors, a few good officers could still have saved the day.  Instead French party politics had created a supreme commander, Gamelin, who played army politics with assignments.  DeGaulle wasn’t used earlier because his patron Petain was out of favor at that moment.  Lattre de Tassigny was kept at the divisional level because his patron Weygand wasn’t recalled from Syria until after the battle was lost.  Gamelin’s political patron was Daladier.  Daladier’s government had just fallen when the Germans attacked.  Had the party crisis come a few weeks sooner Gamelin would have been out and either Georges or Weygand in with Petain probably as War Minister.  If this happens the right men are used and France does not fall.

Even with all of this there is one last crisis.  On May 17th Kleist flies out to Guderian’s forward HQ and gives him a halt order.  Guderian is roughly half way to cutting off the French.  Guderian has a fit and Kleist relieves him.  If this relief sticks the Allies get a chance to recover and either seal the bulge or evacuate Belgium with their armies mostly intact.  Instead Kleist is overruled later in the day.  Precisely by who and how remain in doubt.  Kluge and Halder both claim credit afterwards.  Similarly neither Rundstedt nor Hitler take credit for the halt order after the fact although one or both is by far the more likely source than Kleist.  Kleist would have been prepared to relieve Guderian for lying and insubordination, not for rapid advance without regard to his flanks.  Kleist proved this again and again in Russia.  Not only is Guderian’s ouster overruled but Kleist is not allowed to enforce the halt order he was forced to give.  Guderian is allowed a reconnaissance in force that amounts to continuing the advance.  He reaches the sea at Abbeville in strength three days later and France has effectively lost the war.  I do not regard the proposed counterattacks against the German flanks seriously.  To me the last French chance comes with the double reversal – Guderian is left in command and left free to do as he wishes. 

Still, this German victory was a near run thing.  Without having a better army the French could have won the campaign if not the battle.  Remember that a long war favors the Allies.  Their economic position is better.  Their rearmament was first hitting its stride.  They did not have to take Berlin to win.  If they do not lose either the blockade strangles Germany or Stalin stabs Hitler in the back.

I welcome comments and discussion.  This campaign changed the course of the world but it was not inevitable or even obvious that it would turn out this way.  A German advance that leaves the West in the field produces a very different world.  Hitler is seen as a flash in the pan.  Stalin is never seen as one of the triumphant forces of democracy.  He may take Eastern Europe but he will be seen as a thug who helped Hitler.  Because of the Fall of France and then Barbarossa the old conservative parties of Europe were forever tagged as collaborators while the Reds who actively worked to undermine France became social patriots because they switched lines 41-45.  This has changed the politics of Europe to this day.  Without this victory the US never enters WW2.  Japan never risks Pearl Harbor.  Luck, command stupidity and some integral French flaws got us here.

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